Narkasur is said to be the son of the Earth Goddess, Bhudevi, and Varaha, an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Despite his divine heritage, he became a tyrant (a tyrant is typically a ruler or authority figure who exercises power in a cruel, oppressive, or unjust way, often disregarding the welfare, rights, or freedoms of others.). Initially known for his bravery and strength, Narkasur eventually turned arrogant and started terrorizing both mortals and Gods. He is infamous for abducting 16,100 princesses and ruling with an iron fist. The confrontation between Krishna and Narkasur is described as fierce. Krishna fought valiantly against Narkasur, showcasing his divine power and might. Narkasur’s rule was marked by terror and oppression, as he not only kidnapped princesses but also posed a threat to the heavens and the divine order.

The killing of Narkasur by Krishna symbolizes the restoration of dharma (righteousness) and the removal of evil from the world. It reinforces the message that tyranny and evil will ultimately be defeated. Before his death, Narkasur realized the consequences of his actions and sought forgiveness. He was granted a boon that his death would be celebrated, leading to the festival that symbolizes the victory of good over evil.

In Kaliyuga, as in the Narkasur narrative, the emergence of heroic figures—like Lord Krishna—is essential for restoring balance and righteousness. These figures inspire hope and serve as catalysts for change, encouraging people to rise against the tide of negativity and moral decay.

Today, many people see politicians as tyrants because they often put their own power and wealth above the needs of the public. When leaders act out of self-interest, ignore basic services like healthcare and education, or silence people who disagree with them, it breaks the trust citizens have in them. Instead of working to unite and serve everyone fairly, some politicians end up creating divisions, allowing corruption, and putting their own goals first. This kind of behaviour makes people feel that politicians are more focused on control than truly helping society.

Some activists seem to consistently support politicians, appearing on selective media channels and aligning with specific political agendas. This partnership has blurred the line between independent activism and political influence. This partnership has further made it hard for viewers to distinguish what’s legitimate from what’s politically staged or biased. Altruist activists are rather Rakhandaars.

As one Narkasur effigy burns, new “Narkasurs” of corruption, ego, and injustice seem to emerge within society. This cycle serves as a reminder that Diwali’s true spirit lies not only in celebrating past victories but in facing the persistent challenges of negativity that arise within and around us daily.  Just as when you defeat one Narakasura, another rises on the same day, the same can be said for politicians: No Matter How Many You Try To Eliminate, New Ones Keep Appearing…

Narakasura is a key figure in Assam’s history, particularly in Kamarupa, as he is considered the ancestor of three ruling dynasties. A hill south of Guwahati is named after him. He is also linked to the Kamakhya Temple, a major site for worship of the Shakti Goddess: this shows how important Narakasura is to the culture and spirituality of the area.

The Comunidade system is a unique heritage that sets Goa apart from other states and provides a form of protection for local land and community interests. This community-based land ownership gives Goans a special advantage, allowing them to maintain control over land use, preserve local culture, and ensure sustainable development. Rather than needing additional “special status” from the appropriate Government, safeguarding and strengthening the Communidade system itself can serve as a powerful tool for protecting Goan land, culture, and identity.

The Comunidade system is more than just a land management approach; it connects us to our sacred bhoomi. In our tradition, this land is the mother of Narkasura, protected by Varaha Avatar of Lord Vishnu. Whenever Narkasura became tyrannical, Lord Vishnu, through various avatars, restored balance and sanctity. Today, the Comunidade system empowers us to safeguard this precious soil for future generations. Just as Vishnu upheld dharma, it is our duty to protect our motherland. Strengthening the Comunidade isn’t merely about land; it’s about honouring our heritage and identity.

Goans are being urged to look beyond the yearly burning of Narkasur effigies and focus on defeating the “Narkasur” within—our own flaws, corrupt habits, and moral compromises. The message is simple: real change won’t come from just setting fire to a symbol; it comes from rejecting corruption and choosing integrity in our everyday actions. This Diwali, the call is for each person to be accountable, to stop the ‘loop’ of corruption at its source, and to live by values that bring genuine change to our community.

The Three Judgments — M/s. Zuari Agro Chemicals Ltd. vs. Smt. Basilia M. Gomes, Communidade of Sancoale vs. Zuari Industries Ltd, and Communidade of Chorão vs. Leiticia D’Souza—each addresses the rights over Comunidade properties leased under the Aforamento system. They highlight issues of ownership, lease agreements, and the implications of paying the ‘foro’ (lease rent), setting important legal precedents in property law related to Comunidade land.

In The High Court of Bombay at Goa, the case of M/s. Zuari Agro Chemicals Ltd. vs. Smt. Basilia M. Gomes emerged as a pivotal moment in land lease disputes. The courtroom buzzed with tension as claims of ownership collided with the validity of lease agreements. Ultimately, the judges ruled in favour of Zuari, affirming their rights despite complications from incomplete records, highlighting the fragility of land tenure in the region.

Meanwhile, the Communidade of Sancoale vs. Zuari Industries Ltd. unfolded, focusing on the implications of lease payments on ownership rights. The judges deliberated on the nature of ‘foro’, ultimately declaring that consistent payment could lead to full ownership. However, they cautioned about the potential pitfalls of vague lease terms, reminding all involved that clarity is most important in such agreements to prevent future disputes.

Lastly, Communidade of Chorão vs. Leiticia D’Souza served as a stern reminder of the need for meticulous record-keeping in lease agreements. The court emphasized that gaps in documentation could jeopardize property claims, leading to confusion and conflict. As the judges ruled, they underscored the importance of comprehensive leases, ensuring that all parties understand their rights and obligations clearly, lest they find themselves entangled in legal webs of their own making.

The idea that community land could turn into private property just by paying 20 years of rent brings up questions about fairness. Communal land, usually meant to serve the entire community, becomes privately owned without open auctions or transparency. Although the legal framework may allow this through certain concessions or rent arrangements, many argue it doesn’t align with the spirit of communal ownership. It raises concerns about whether such transitions truly serve the community’s interest or simply favour private interests over shared heritage.

In 1961, the legislative enactment no. 2070, the new Code of Comunidade, brought a critical update to Goan land laws by abolishing the ‘foro’ payments made by Comunidades to the National Exchequer. This move reflected Cunha Rivara’s view that Comunidades held full ownership of their lands without any split in rights, as seen in European feudal law, where dominium utile (use rights) and dominium directum (ultimate ownership) could be separated. Rivara emphasized that Goan Comunidades possessed undivided, autonomous ownership, and the abolition of ‘foro’ reinforced their historical, cultural, and economic sovereignty. This legislative change acknowledged their outright ownership, ensuring that the wealth and heritage of Comunidades remain with the Communidade itself.

With utmost respect for the late M.S. Usgaonkar, who was entrusted by the Government of Goa to re-examine the translated text of the 1961 Code of Comunidades submitted by Mr. E. Noronha Rodrigues, he expressed with great care and pain, “We came across few words which created difficulties in the matter of translation.” He specifically referred to words such as “servidão,” “hypothecation,” “usufruct,” “arrendamento,” “aforamento,” and “emphyteusis,” stressing the complexities involved in accurately conveying their meanings.

Late. M.S. Usgaonkar, the translator for the Government of Goa, admitted in his conclusion that he faced difficulties translating specific terms related to Communidade property rights. His uncertainty about terms like “aforamento“ raises questions about the accuracy of these translations. This uncertainty could affect the understanding of legal rights in subsequent judgments, suggesting that the translations might not fully convey their intended meanings. While interpreting definitions, the court should give careful consideration to these interpretations, as they may not be fully expressed.

Uncertain translations of legal terms in the Code of Comunidades have caused confusion about property rights. When late. M.S. Usgaonkar pointed out issues with words like “aforamento,” it showed that there could be misunderstandings. This lack of clarity has serious consequences, as courts may interpret these terms in ways that weaken Comunidades’ ownership of their property. As a result, Judiciary decisions based on these unclear translations can lead to rulings that harm the rights of Comunidades, threatening their identity and unity. Clear language in legal texts is essential to protect these rights effectively.

Various amendments have been made to the Goa, Daman, and Diu Legislative Diploma No. 2070, dated April 15, 1961, by the state government. The key question is ‘whether the state government is empowered to amend this diploma, which was originally passed by the Governor-General of Portuguese India, and to what extent.’ In this context, it is essential to consider whether the assent of the Administrator of the Union Territory of Goa, Daman, and Diu or the assent of the Governor suffice when dealing with amendments as laid down in Article 31A of the Constitution of India.

With high respect to my Senior Fraternity and the Judiciary, may we approach the Supreme Judgement???

Date: 25th October, 2024

Historically in India, various Hindu groups, like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), have pushed for a more cohesive Hindu identity. They focus on fostering national unity and promoting Hindu cultural values while navigating the diverse regional and social nuances within the broader Hindu community. The level of unity among Hindu organizations is influenced by political and social factors. For example, as India approached the Lok Sabha elections, there was a growing call from some Hindu groups to work together to promote and protect Hindu interests. However, instead of merging all organizations into a single entity, many groups are choosing to collaborate on specific issues while keeping their unique identities and objectives intact. This approach allows them to address shared goals, like temple preservation or combating discrimination, while still respecting the diversity within the Hindu community.

The Catholic Church’s structure is hierarchical, based on a global network centralized around the Vatican in Rome. At the top sits the Pope, followed by Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. This hierarchy, which oversees the spiritual and administrative functions of the Church, helps maintain unity and standardized practices worldwide.

Each level has distinct responsibilities, Bishops govern dioceses (regions with several parishes), while Priests manage individual parishes or local churches. This structure enables each church or parish to stay connected to central Catholic teachings and policies via the hierarchy, though they operate autonomously on day-to-day matters. The Vatican coordinates these activities globally, ensuring a cohesive doctrine and centralized authority.

Furthermore, the Catholic Church uses various councils and conferences, such as the Synod of Bishops, to address regional and global issues. These assemblies allow for input from different areas while preserving adherence to Church doctrine. This organization structure fosters unity across the many parishes, creating a system where all levels report up to central Vatican leadership, but are also autonomous within the Church’s teachings and practices.

Creating a unified hierarchical structure for Hindu organizations globally would represent a transformative shift from the religion’s traditionally decentralized approach. This centralized framework might involve a Supreme Dharma Council composed of prominent spiritual leaders, philosophers, and scholars representing major Hindu sects like Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Shaktism. Below it, regional councils would facilitate religious guidance and oversee local activities, promoting Hindu principles in contextually appropriate ways. Temples and religious groups under this structure would continue their individual practices, but with guidance and logistical support from the upper levels, helping to coordinate large-scale initiatives like interfaith dialogue, educational programs, Shakhas across every ward of each village and humanitarian aid.

This structure would allow Hinduism a stronger, organized presence on global issues, creating a unified voice while preserving regional practices. However, Hinduism’s inherent diversity would require this hierarchy to be flexible and inclusive, ensuring all sects and traditions are respected and that local autonomy remains intact.

For generations, the Mahadev temple in Morombi-O-Grande of Merces, Goa, has stood as a sacred symbol of our rich heritage and unwavering faith. As the zalmi gaunkar, I carry the weight of this ancestral legacy, a role imbued with pride and profound responsibility. However, the temple has languished in a state of disrepair for nearly a century, silenced by political inertia and contentious land disputes between Gaunkars and wealthy families claiming Class I Occupancy over Communidade Property. When our community raised our voices between 2008 and 2010 to re-built temple, we encountered formidable obstacles. After a grueling ten-year investigation, the truth was finally revealed: the land belonged to the Communidade of Morombi-O-Grande, with our Mahadev temple holding the rightful title, affirming what we had always believed.

In 2024, the Swatch Mandir Abhiyaan revitalized our efforts, bringing together locals, Nitin Faldessai from the Antarashtriya Bajrang Dal, and our MLA, Rudolfo Fernandes, to clean the temple. The Pran Pratishtha ceremony marked a profound spiritual renewal, reaffirming our commitment to preserving this sacred site. Yet, our victory was short-lived. Almost immediately, land-grabbing family dispatched a ‘cadre of bouncers’ to assert control over the temple grounds. Some local police and the beat police sub-inspector appeared to be complicit with the bouncers. But with unwavering resolve, our community stood united and successfully repelled this encroachment. However, Land Grabbers son-in-law soon employed Unisource Security Services of Panjim Goa under the guise of “temple protection,” raising serious concerns about the true motives behind their presence. Despite our appeal for solidarity among various Other Hindu Organizations, many remained silent, shackled by political affiliations that hindered their response. This troubling reality stresses the pressing need for a cohesive, global Hindu network that can operate independently of political machinations, tirelessly safeguarding our sacred spaces from such threats.

Just as Christians have organized a robust religious structure, Hindus must unite as one global community, one sangh. Otherwise, those in power will continue to encroach upon our communal lands and sacred heritage, declaring them private. In my own experience, I lacked the connections to call upon bouncers or goons to remove the anti-elements from my temple. However, if someone like Law Mafia, Lawrence Bishnoi were entrusted with the central charge of protecting our temples, it would send a powerful global message: that Hindus can and will choose their leaders to safeguard our temples and our faith.

Only those who truly understand the ‘revolutionary spirit’ of Bhagat Singh and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose can grasp what it means to protect Hindu Dharma. In a world where our heritage faces challenges, it’s the fearless hearts inspired by these legends that will rise to safeguard our sacred identity. The concept of an organized syndicate feels out dated, reminiscent of the trends from the 1990s. What we truly need today is a syndicate focused on protecting our religious values. This requires the expertise of individuals who not only understand our faith but also possess legal knowledge.

Remember, as Sardar Bhagat Singh said, ‘They may kill me, but they cannot kill my ideas; they can crush my body, but my spirit will remain unyielded.‘ He also said that ‘bombs and pistols do not make a revolution; the true sword of revolution is sharpened on the whetting stone of ideas.’  

The merger of all Hindu organizations into One Globe, One Sangh aims to unite our ideas and collective efforts in protecting and promoting our rich heritage across the globe. I have personally initiated discussions at the village level, focusing on grassroots exchanges of ideas that will gradually ascend to broader platforms.

Date: 24th October, 2024.

In the beautiful heart of Goa, where green landscapes and sunny beaches seem peaceful, a hidden truth exists. Quiet talks of illegal construction spread, showing a world of political favours and greed behind the scenes. Wealthy families, cloaked in the guise of legitimacy, have turned communal lands—historically managed for the greater good—into their personal playgrounds. With intricate legal manoeuvre they claimed their status as Class I occupants, relegating the true custodians of the land, the farmers, to the shadows as Class III occupants. This manipulation of the land classification system was not merely a legal oversight but a calculated strategy to monopolize resources that rightfully belonged to the community. Each new construction project rose like a mirage, promising prosperity but masking the erosion of communal heritage that was deeply embedded in the very soil of Go

Meanwhile, local politicians danced to the tune of electoral gains, offering NOCs to these unauthorized projects in exchange for votes. The construction sites flourished amid the whispers of discontent from the community, with every brick laid echoing a betrayal of trust. As environmental regulations crumbled under the weight of corruption, the very essence of Goa’s communal land system—embodied by the Communidade, Patto, Alvara, and Macaso—teetered on the brink of extinction. The invisible chains of manipulation tightened around the land, leaving the vulnerable sections of society to fend for themselves, often needing permissions for basic utilities from the very elites who had stripped them of their rightful heritage. In this evolving drama, the stakes grew higher as the sun set over a land caught in a battle between tradition and avarice (greed).

Communidade and the Panchayat play critical roles in the issuance of No Objection Certificates (NOCs) for structures on Communidade land, but their authority derives from different legal frameworks. The Communidade, as the traditional landowner, possesses primary authority over such lands. Any construction or development on this land requires their explicit approval, as they are custodians of these lands intended for the collective benefit of the community. This consent is essential to preserve the land’s historical, cultural, and communal significance, particularly since Communidade lands are often designated for community use or agriculture. Consequently, any construction without the Communidade’s consent is deemed illegal, irrespective of other approvals.

Conversely, the Panchayat acts as a regulatory body, ensuring compliance with local zoning laws, building codes, and environmental regulations. While it can issue NOCs, these permissions do not supersede the ownership rights of the Communidade. The necessity of obtaining approvals from both entities is important for a project to be considered legally valid. However, the Communidade’s role as the traditional landowner carries more weight in the approval process, making their consent indispensable. This dynamic highlights the tension between communal rights and regulatory frameworks in Goa’s evolving landscape of land use and governance.

Moreover, the proliferation of illegal structures in Goa has been closely linked to vote bank politics, where local authorities permit unauthorized constructions in exchange for electoral support. These developments frequently arise in sensitive zones, such as the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) or on Communidade lands, often bypassing requisite legal and environmental clearances. Such political manoeuvres result in compromised urban planning, overburdened infrastructure, and heightened environmental risks. The introduction of regularization schemes further complicates the issue, retroactively legalizing illegal constructions, thereby entrenching a culture of impunity regarding land use violations.

The traditional system of communal land in Goa is facing serious challenges, especially from wealthy families who are finding ways to gain control over these lands. By using complicated legal tools, these families are labelling themselves as Class I occupants, which gives them more rights than the original farmers, who are pushed down to Class III occupancy. This situation not only harms the rights of real farmers but also threatens the communal land system represented by the Communidade, Alvara, Patto, and Macaso. It creates confusion between personal interests and communal ownership, raising concerns about how communal governance will function in the future of Goa.

The grandmasters of Goa’s real estate chessboard! They started off so humbly, dishing out sarees and bicycles like it was a seasonal clearance sale—earning votes and hearts along the way. But here’s the kicker: while the poor were busy enjoying their new wheels, these political real estate moguls were playing Monopoly with communal land, except this time, there was no “Go to Jail” card for them. Slowly but surely, they turned what was once the community’s heritage into their own private playgrounds.

And now? Their descendants, all decked out in designer suits, are continuing the noble family tradition of alienating the very people who rely on communal resources for their daily bread. Bravo, really! These elites have mastered the fine art of making sure the rich stay richer, while the poor stay… well, on bicycles. KALIYUG!!! They’re not just exemplifying it—they’re giving it a VIP upgrade!

The Class III occupants trying to build a house on their own ancestral land? It’s like asking permission to breathe! First, they’re fighting for a roof over their heads, but wait—want water and electricity too? Better get in line for an NOC, not from the Communidade (which, by the way, was theirs), but from these new private overlords who’ve hijacked the whole system as Class I owners. It’s insulting—farmers who’ve toiled for generations are now reduced to begging for basic utilities from the same people who swooped in and grabbed their land, legally or not. And somehow, we’re all supposed to pretend this isn’t a massive scam?

The saying “Chath Chin Kar Kambhal Daan Karne Ki Kala Ko Hi Rajniiti Kehte Hai” highlights how politics often involves taking away something vital, like a roof, and then offering a meaningless solution, such as a blanket (kambhal), to disguise the act. This illustrates the manipulation often seen in political practices, where leaders prioritize their interests over the people’s needs.

Despite government schemes like Atmanirbhar Bharat and Swayampurna Goa aimed at helping local entrepreneurs, starting a business in Goa can be incredibly challenging. What was meant to simplify the process has turned into a complicated mess of permissions. For instance, a small restaurant owner needs not just an NOC from the property owner and the Panchayat but also a long list of other approvals. This bureaucratic hassle makes it feel impossible to get things moving.

This situation is worsened by the influence of powerful politicians who often take advantage of communal land. Entrepreneurs—especially Gaunkars—are left confused about whom to approach for help. Should they go to the Communidade, the Panchayat, or local politicians? Starting a business feels like preparing for a fight, where every obstacle leads to losses. While Gaunkars struggle with endless paperwork just to build on their land, these powerful elites benefit from bending the rules. The dream of small business usufruct is being crushed under the greed of politicians and fake landowners, leaving Gaunkar entrepreneurs feeling trapped and helpless.

In February, 2024 The Government had decided to stop the practice of issuing temporary Enable House Numbers (EHN) to illegal houses, as announced by Panchayat Minister Mauvin Godinho. The move follows concerns that Panchayats were misusing the provision to legitimize illegal constructions. Initially introduced for tax collection, the system was recently misapplied, with over 50 illegal houses in Khorlim, Old Goa, receiving temporary numbers. This decision aimed to curb such exploitation and address the growing issue of unauthorized housing in the state.

The Hon’ble High Court of Bombay at Goa has initiated suo moto action concerning the escalating issue of illegal constructions across the state. These unlawful developments, particularly in sensitive zones like roadsides, Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) areas, and village panchayat limits, have caught the Court’s attention due to years of inaction by local authorities. In one triggering case, a Panchayat failed to enforce demolition orders for 4-5 years, pushing the Court to intervene.

Advocate General Devidas Pangam Sir reported that the Court’s focus is on both temporary and permanent constructions, many of which seem to appear overnight. The Hon’ble High Court expressed concern about Goa’s future, warning that if these practices continue, half the constructions in the state may end up being illegal. Hon’ble Court has urged the government to find solutions, while monitoring whether Panchayats and the Directorate of Panchayats are effectively curbing illegal constructions.

In beginning of October 2024, around 140 individuals who built allegedly illegal houses on Comunidade land in Cunchelim, Mapusa, gathered at the Mapusa Police Station demanding action against agents who defrauded them. These residents claimed that agents charged them between Rs 4,500 and Rs 10,000 per square meter, falsely promising they wouldn’t face eviction. The land in question, intended by the government for a communal burial ground, had been partly leased from the Comunidade and partially bought from a private party. Despite the illegal status of the houses, water and electricity connections were reportedly provided. The issue surfaced when the Land Survey Department visited for an official survey, exposing the deceit. The complexity deepens as it is unclear whether some houses belong to Goans or migrants, with some migrants allegedly changing their names to resemble local Goan identities, making it hard to determine “Who’s Building? What?”

The legality of a structure and the rightful ownership of strucure—whether it belongs to a true Gaunkar or a migrant—can only be determined through a court trial.    Legal proceedings are essential for assessing the relevant facts, documentation, and rights concerning land ownership and construction. Until a final verdict is delivered, all claims and aspirations about ownership remain speculative. The resolution of these matters rests on the judicial process, emphasizing the importance of following legal protocols to clarify property rights and legality.

As the day comes to an end in Gomantak, many people’s dreams of building homes are clouded by uncertainty about the legality of their structures. Gaunkar Families look at their incomplete houses and feel the weight of confusion and despair, knowing that without clear legal support, their dreams could easily vanish.

Until there is a solid legal framework that protects the rights of true Gaunkars, the idea of homeownership will remain out of reach for many. Simple needs like water and electricity become a struggle against those who prioritize profit over people. Everyone deserves a fair chance to build a home recognized by the law, so Goa’s rich communal heritage can thrive again. One generation has already spent years in incomplete houses. Do the wealthy families and their political allies want another generation to suffer the same fate? If they do, we, the Gaunkars, must wake up and see how they treat us. Ignoring these injustices will only hurt our future. We’re stuck in a loop where migrants seek small shelters, while Gaunkars can’t repair their homes and businesses due to Class I occupancy controlled by land grabbers who have side-lined communal rights. Meanwhile, politicians bend the rules before elections to secure their vote bank.

During the Inquisition, Goans stood by one another, whether convert or non-convert. Our ancestors did not see themselves as Christians or Hindus, but as converts and non-converts—a social distinction that, over generations, has faded into the shadows of history. Today, we see ourselves as followers of our respective faiths, united by our Goan identity.

When historians, researchers, philosophers, and scholars visit Goa, they often ask, “Why don’t Goans speak of the atrocities of the Inquisition?”  The answer is simple: those atrocities were not committed by Goans against Goans. They were the actions of foreign powers that targeted both converts and non-converts alike. We were united before foreign rule, remained united during foreign rule, and continue to stand together today.

Despite the Inquisition’s cruelty, our forefathers upheld peace and harmony, celebrating each other’s festivals and supporting one another through hardships. What truly matters, in the end, is the noble qualities of a saint: whether one has devoted their life to serving humanity or, in the name of religion, has caused immense suffering. In this light, Goans do not dwell on the difference between converts and non-converts, nor do we distinguish between Christians and Hindus. What truly matters are the deeds—holy or unholy—of any individual, especially one revered as a saint.

Discussing this is not about stirring communal tensions. Many historians and scholars around the world have recorded the atrocities of the Goa Inquisition and openly debate its impact. However, when a Goan speaks of these events, some political aspirants manipulate the narrative, distorting historical truths for their own political gain and sowing division within the community, as seen recently, with FIRs being registered in both cases—against those speaking on the Inquisition and against political aspirants who took to the streets.

While foreign rulers succeeded in spreading Christianity in Goa and parts of India, we hold respect for Christianity and all religions. Yet, those non-converts who see Hinduism as a way of life voice their dissent not against Goans, but against ‘foreign rulers’ and their oppressive methods.

In truth, our forefathers endured the pain of being labelled converts or non-converts, but they never saw each other as enemies. Instead, they remained united, even through the most trying times, and we, the descendants of that legacy, continue to honour their unity.

The living truth for me is not found in the distant tales of saints like St. Francis Xavier or Lord Parshuram, although their actions have shaped the very fabric of Goa’s history. Their stories are revered, but they remain echoes of a past I have not witnessed. What I have experienced, what breathes life into my existence, is Kshetrapal—the protector of my bhoomi, my sacred motherland. He is a legend, not a distant figure, but also a living force I feel with every breath I take. His presence is woven into the soil of Gomantak and all around Bharat, and as the custodian of the Mahadev Temple under Communidade of Morombi-O-Grande jurisdiction, I am deeply connected to his divine energy. For me, he is not just a protector; he is my God, my Lord, My Everything.

Kshetrapal is the heartbeat of my village, known by many names across the land. His spirit is alive, watching over us, protecting our land, and holding us together. I feel his strength in every breeze that sweeps across the temple grounds, in the quiet moments when the world seems to stand still. To me, he is not a figure of the past, but the ‘living truth’, a guardian who stands with us in this world. His presence reassures me that no matter what challenges come, he will always protect the sanctity of our village, our land, and our lives. Kshetrapal is referred to by many names, such as Rakhandar, Devsaar, Dev, Vetoba, Khetoba, Ravalnath, Kal Bhairav, Sankhalyo, Kalegaar, Bodgeshwar, Ghateshwar, Vetal, Betal, Panjurli and others. These names highlight his role as the protector and guardian across different regions and villages, representing the sacred connection between the people and their land. For me THIS IS THE LIVING TRUTH.

Earlier, Chief Minister Pramod Sawant urged, “I ask you to once again preserve Hindu Sanskriti and Mandir Sanskriti (Hindu culture and temple culture). I ask you to give us the strength to rebuild these temples.” In line with this vision, the Government of Goa, through Notification No. 8/393/2022/DAA-195, constituted a Committee of Experts to review applications and representations concerning the reconstruction or restoration of temples destroyed during Portuguese rule.

The scope of the committee’s work includes scrutinizing applications and representations, along with the supporting documentation submitted to the Department of Archaeology, verifying archival sources available at the Department of Archives and other locations, considering proposals based on their expertise in archival materials, incorporating folk beliefs and oral history for cross-verification, and examining future applications received by the Department of Archaeology. This initiative was designed to safeguard Goa’s ancient temple heritage and rebuild those lost during colonial times.

On March 8, 2023, I submitted my application for the rebuilding of our Mahadev Temple (Kshetrapal is regarded as one of Mahadev’s avatars) .which is located in my village, Morombi-O-Grande, where I proudly serve as a Zalmi Gaunkar.

On May 12, 2023, I reached out to the Archaeology department with hope in my heart, seeking clarity on the rebuilding of our temples, but their response felt like a stab in the back—an outright insult to our history, I filed RTI applications, yearning for respect and acknowledgment, yet the reply I received only deepened the wounds, disrespecting our gods and our living truth.

In June, during the inaugural episode of Chief Minister Pramod Sawant’s television show “Hello Goenkar,” On Doordarshan TV, I took the opportunity to voice my concerns, marking my first conversation with him. I poured out my feelings, asking about the status of my letters regarding the notification of destroyed temples. To my shock, he suggested merging these sacred sites into a single structure, claiming it would symbolize the countless desecrated temples during the Portuguese rule. He assured me he would call and set an appointment, but those words felt hollow—just empty promises. I have yet to meet Dr. Pramod Sawant, and until now, there has been neither appointment nor communication from him.

Later, Minister for Archaeology Subhash Faldessai informed the Assembly that an expert panel had recommended the construction of a memorial (smarak temple) in Goa for the temples destroyed during Portuguese rule, along with a museum to showcase the state’s ancient temple heritage, as outlined in a report tabled in July 2024.

The RTI applications I filed at the Department of Archaeology have been appealed before the Chief Information Commissioner of the Right to Information Commissioner of Goa. Since the Commissioner’s post has been vacant for many months, today marked the day for final arguments, with the Commissioner presiding over the court. I was unable to attend the final arguments today due to a funeral procession in my village for one of my zalmi gaunkars. As I reflect on the situation, I can’t help but wonder why Dr. Pramod Sawant, the Chief Minister to express a desire to rebuild our temples, seems to have changed his stance. Before presenting my final arguments, I feel it’s crucial to seek more clarification, especially since no future Chief Minister may support such an initiative.

Today, I reached out to an officer from the Archaeology department to gain clarity through telephonic call, especially since some staff members involved in this matter have taken voluntary retirement, resulting in changes in how this issue is being handled. The official and I amicably agreed that they would provide the necessary clarity and arrange a discussion meeting before the final arguments. This issue is close to my heart; before I go to battle for it, I need to ensure I’m fully informed, particularly since it seems the Chief Minister has distanced himself from this matter. To him, it may be mere election propaganda, but for us, it represents our living truth.

I warn the government that if the answers I receive are unsatisfactory and aim to underestimate our Kshetrapal, We, The Gaunkars will take necessary steps, including the potential dissolution of this government. Our commitment to our heritage and the sacred duty to protect it is unwavering,and we will not stand by while our rights are trampled. We will fight with all our strength for what is just and right. This is our unwavering promise and our living truth.

Recently, the Goa government’s committee suggested dropping 21 villages from the list of ecologically sensitive areas (ESA) in the Western Ghats to allow for development. Initially, 108 villages were proposed as ESA, but now only 87 villages remain in the final list. This decision has risen concerns about how much of Goa’s natural landscape will be protected, as these villages are home to forests and wildlife that need safeguarding.

Several environmental committees like the S M Sawant Committee, Expert Karapurkar Committee, Reports from Thomas and Araujo Committee and Deepshika Sharma Reports on Private Forests,  and currently Review committee headed by CF/CCF on Private Forests have shown how many forest lands in Goa have been de-notified (removed from protection) and converted for other uses time to time. This has led to forest areas being cleared for housing projects and commercial development citing not qualified under private forest on white papers, which threatens Goa’s natural balance and future.

The shift from seeing land as Bhoomi to treating it as Property has led to more forests being cleared for real estate and other commercial uses. While development is necessary, it is important to find a balance that respects Goa’s environment and cultural heritage. Protecting land for future generations while allowing for responsible growth is the need of the hour.

In a bold challenge, Goa’s Chief Minister recently urged the media to investigate the controversial land conversion in Sancoale. However, documents uncovered by O Heraldo reveal that the conversion from agricultural land and private forest to commercial use occurred under his own government. This raised serious questions about the protection of Bhoomi, sacred land that Gaunkars and locals communities hold dear.

The land, once classified as agricultural and later as a private forest, is considered sacred by residents, believed to be home to the revered deity Sankhlyo. In 2007, it was reclassified to an S2 Zone allowing limited construction. Yet, in November 2023, the government approved its conversion to C-1 Commercial Zone, permitting extensive development. This transformation, facilitated by Parmesh Constructions (Bhutani Infra), was expedited despite objections from local stakeholders.

Local activists and protectors of Bhoomi, like Peter D’Souza and Narayan Naik, have been pivotal in exposing the government’s actions. D’Souza stated, “The Chief Minister wants an investigation, but the evidence points back to his government favouring developers.”  Naik emphasized the sacred nature of the land, asserting, “This was an agricultural land, a forest land where our revered local deity Sankhlyo roamed for years. People have seen him as well. The BJP has no regard for gods and local deities.”

As Premanand Naik  Ex Sarpanch of Sancoale enters the second day of his indefinite hunger strike over the Bhutani issue, I humbly appeal to him through this article—please awaken the sleeping spirit of the Sancoale Communidade. This sacred Bhoomi originally belongs to the Communidade, and it is being reduced to a mere property battle over licenses and permissions. We are the protectors of this Bhoomi, and our duty is not to challenge it as property, but to safeguard it as our sacred land.

In Goa, the Sacred Bhoomi—once cherished and protected by our ancestors and the revered Rakhandar Sakhalyo—is now being shamelessly reduced to a mere commodity for personal greed. What once belonged to the Sancoale Communidade is being sold off like any other piece of land, with no respect for its spiritual significance. This isn’t just about licenses, permissions, or some white paper; it’s about the very soul of our land being traded, with blatant disregard for the deep, divine bond we have with it. Just as the Portuguese Inquisition sought to erase our identity, today’s government is waging its own assault through failed and corrupt schemes like 17B and 39A of the TCP Act, Expert Committee Reports to de-notify our forests, ‘Smarak Temple’ Scheme by the Archaeology Department, and the unconstitutional amendments to the Code of Communidade.

Three Right to Information (RTI) applications was submitted on 23rd April 2024 to the SIT on Land Grabbing (LG), Crime Branch, and Home Department, seeking details on land grabbing cases. In response, on 15th May 2024, the Dy. Superintendent of Police, Crime Ribandar (LG) provided information stating that only 23 cases had been registered by SIT (LG). However, the response was incomplete and misleading, seemingly aimed at shielding the real land grabbers. Key details were either omitted or redirected—some information was passed on to the Enforcement Directorate (ED), while other parts went to the Crime Branch, despite the application being addressed specifically to the SIT (LG), Crime Branch, and Home Department. The application was shuffled between offices, and on 21st May 2024, the Chief Secretary’s office finally transferred it to the Police Inspector, SIT Land Grabbing, Ribandar, Goa.

During a scheduled meeting with the lower police staff and higher officials, I raised several critical questions. I asked Why Comunidade Properties Were Excluded From The Investigation?, and How They Determined What Constituted Land Grabbing Versus Cheating. I challenged their assumption that Just Because Someone Had Created Fake Documents, It Didn’t Automatically Mean The Property Belonged To That Person. I also questioned the ‘criteria for arrest’ under land grabbing laws. While the media boasted of over 70 arrests, only 23 cases were officially registered—it felt like we were dealing with no-man’s land.

I further pressed them: Had they even checked the title documents of these properties? Even if a property had no direct owner, shouldn’t it belong to the Communidade—whether through Aframento, Arandamendo, Kumeri, Alvara, Patto or other communal land systems? Their response was nothing but silence, until someone finally muttered that “the archives should take cognizance of the same.” To this, I retorted, “IF THE ISSUES ARE PURELY CIVIL, WHY WAS YOUR SIT (LG) FORMED?”

To my surprise, only a PI, DySP, and three police staff were present at this meeting—the rest had been transferred. These officers, not the CM’s loyalists, were left to carry the burden of a crumbling investigation, facing the anger and disappointment of the people with no real support from above. They deserved better, but instead, they were set up to take the fall.

The arrest of one of the alleged masterminds sparked celebrations across Sakhali, Bicholim, Sal, and Mapusa. But within hours, the investigation revealed that this man was actually a Gaunkar from a coastal village, belonging to a freedom fighter’s family. He had been running a business providing security staff but got caught up in the Land Grabbing Investigation because he failed to get a PSARA license; some of the cheaters involved in the land scam had approached this Gaunkar for security services, dragging him further into the investigation.

This Gaunkar knew every inch of land involved in the so-called No-Man’s Land Scheme but had to stay quiet to know bigger conspiracy. Just six hours later, chaos spread across the coastal belt. The very next day, he was granted bail, and top officials quickly realized that these weren’t No-Man’s Lands—they were lands owned by Gaunkars. The real story was that these ancestral lands were being targeted by outsiders, often referred to as the ‘Delhikars’. It became clear that the Gaunkars of North Goa’s coastal belt were the true victims of this scheme.

“The Title Documents of Properties”—a phrase that often leaves us wondering: how exactly is property ownership determined? Who owns which parcel, and for what purpose was the land granted in the first place? These crucial records, detailing the lineage of land ownership, are supposed to be housed in places like the Communidade office, the Revenue Department, or the Archives Department. But here’s the twist: in Goa, our historical puzzle is far from complete.

Did you know that we don’t even have access to all of our own history? Thanks to centuries of foreign rule, many of Goa’s vital records are either missing, incomplete, or scattered across the globe.

This issue was even mentioned in the 1975 Treaty on Recognition of India’s Sovereignty over Goa, Daman, Diu, Dadra, and Nagar Haveli. where Portugal agreed to return all the archives and documents related to Goa. But, many of these records had already been moved out of Goa. In return, India agreed to give back documents that didn’t relate to Goa but were still held here. So, while the treaty aimed to fill some gaps, it left us with even more questions: How much history have we lost? Are the title documents of our lands locked away somewhere we can’t reach? And who really holds the keys to Goa’s past?

Rcently, the Assagao case brought to light Land Grabbing 2.0, exposing how ‘Delhikars’ are buying properties and exploiting Goan homes and residents. The truth was laid bare by the Gaunkars, who revealed the shady dealings happening in Goa’s real estate market nowadays “Bazaar”. One of the key figures, Pooja Sharma, a Delhikar, exposed the Goa Government’s role in these transactions. Her revelations led to significant repercussions, including the transfer of the Director General of Goa Police in July 2024. This case has shed light on the darker side of Goa’s property market, raising questions about who is really benefiting from these land deals.

The true beneficiaries of this land-grabbing scheme are the ones who risk their lives for money—land mafias, drug mafias, party mafias, black money launderers, counterfeit currency producers, power brokers, and, of course, the politicians themselves. But the real kingpins behind the scenes? It’s the “collection agents” of these politicians, the ones who make sure the dirty deals run smoothly and the money flows without interruption. They are the ones pulling the strings and keeping the system in place, benefiting from the chaos while everyone else suffers.

Just like the current government has 12 chief ministers, each overseeing different streams of governance, the Patal Lok—The Underworld—has its own leaders for every category. Whether it’s land, drugs, political manipulation, counterfeit currency, money laundering, smuggling, or even cybercrimes, each stream has its own designated mafias, operating behind the scenes. They never show their faces, but they control the strings in their own domain.

However, true mafia power isn’t just about being a collection agent—like the infamous ‘lady don’ of Jungle belt. The lady don may have been influenced by ‘bhadwas’ (brokers) like Chintu-Pintu, who went to the Gaunkars and tried to manipulate them, creating a false narrative of conflict among the Gaunkars of Goa. But let me make something clear: We, the Gaunkars, have been here for generations. Those who spread provocative ideas, like Chintu Pintu, and tried to disrupt our communal harmony have failed miserably.

Goa ranks among the top 5 for financial fraud cases, as reported by Kamat’s Prudent Media today. Above the likes of Lady Don, Chintu, and Pintu, there are bigger mafias pulling the strings. It reminds me of one of my Mafia client, who always said: Promise them 100, give them 20 as an advance, watch where it goes, and stay silent until the 20 is spent and they come back. The entire concept of “Only One Mission: One Man, One Commission” mirrors the same flawed approach seen in other failed schemes under the Chief who is steering Goa’s administration.

Goa, once known for its laid-back charm and stunning beaches, is now grappling with rising unemployment, corruption, and a real estate boom fueled by ‘black money’. The state is becoming a playground for the rich, while locals, especially the youth, are left with few opportunities. Gone are the days when government jobs were available on merit—post-2021, recruitment has become a corrupt, money-driven process, and the promises made during the 2022 elections have turned out to be empty.

Young Goans, particularly those between 20-25, are being forced into real estate out of desperation and temptation of fast money. Instead of building meaningful careers, they’re stuck selling properties to wealthy outsiders, becoming brokers and agents in a system rigged against them. What was once a profession for a few has now become the last option for many. This isn’t ambition—it’s survival in a broken system where government jobs are sold to the highest bidder and merit means nothing.

Behind this real estate surge is a darker reality—Goa has become a hub for black money parking. Properties are being bought with unaccounted cash, often underreported in value, driving up prices and pushing locals out of the housing market. As real estate grows, so does the corruption, and Goa’s youth are either forced to participate in this broken system or leave the state to find better opportunities elsewhere.

While the rich park their black money and politicians line their pockets, Goan youths are left with no future in their own land. Goa is being sold off to the highest bidder, and the government has done little to protect its people. Our jobs are vanishing, our land is slipping away, and our future is being taken over by highest bidder.

Today, we see a growing number of Goan youth spending their weekends on cricket grounds, and nights are filled with cultural competitions. Politicians are pushing sports tournaments and cultural events like never before—whether it’s cricket post-monsoon, football during monsoon, or donations for festivals like Ganesh, Narkasur, and Christmas. It’s clear that these activities are being used as distractions to keep the youth occupied, while the real issues of unemployment and corruption go ignored. Our politicians are well-versed in keeping Goan youth in a “loop” of constant engagement with sports and festivals. All thanks to the BJP government, which has mastered the art of keeping Goan youth distracted while the real issues are swept under the rug.

By now, many Goan youths who entered the real estate business in mid-2023 must have realized the harsh truth—they identify properties and connect with sellers, but “Delhikars” bypass them and close deals directly with the owners. Despite their efforts, these young brokers are often left empty-handed, exploited for their local knowledge but excluded from the profits. This ongoing “loop” highlights how Goa’s youth are being sidelined and used in a system where they hold no real power. It’s not a market at all—it’s a “Bazaar” Only the politically connected or those with the right ‘backdoor deals’ can succeed here. So, in case you are wondering, it’s not about merit—it’s really just about how well you can shake hands and how deep your pockets go.

According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for 2023-2024, Goa’s unemployment rate has reached 8.7%, which is significantly higher than the national average of 4.1%. Even more concerning is the unemployment rate for youth aged 15-29, which stands at an alarming 19.1%.

Following intervention from the Central BJP Leadership, it was initially agreed that recruitment in Goa would be handled by each department directly, rather than through the Goa Staff Selection Commission (SSC). However, amidst confusion among cabinet ministers, Chief Minister Pramod Sawant today clarified that recruitment for Group-C posts will be carried out through the Goa Staff Selection Commission (SSC).

Mr. Ashish Parab, a proud youth from Sattari Keri, became the first Goan to clear the UGC NET exam in International Relations and World Politics. Everyone celebrated his achievement, and so did I. When I asked him, ‘What’s next?’ he innocently replied that he’s preparing for SSC CGL & GPSC exams, and even looking for vacancies in colleges for Political Science. I wished him the best, but it got me thinking – what should we tell our Goan youth brothers and sisters? That the jobs are not with Baba of Sattari or Babush of Panjim, but rather with the highest bidder, where merit is just a footnote in the game of politics and power!

Wave of brokers—many from outside Goa—entered the scene, drawn by the prospect of quick profits. These brokers were often less concerned with the sanctity of Goa’s environment and more focused on flipping properties for a fast buck. These brokers, many of whom came from outside Goa, often posed as seasoned developers with promises of profitable ventures, particularly targeting landowners who were unaware of the long-term consequences. Their polished presentation, fluent English, and knowledge of complex property transactions allowed them to win over many locals who were unfamiliar with the intricacies of real estate deals. In doing so, they introduced concepts such as part-payment agreements and joint ventures. These arrangements often seemed too good to refuse, as Goans were offered upfront sums for their land or promised a share in future developments without fully understanding the implications. The introduction of joint ventures seemed like an appealing offer for many Goans, who thought they were participating in an equal partnership. However, many of these agreements resulted in Goans losing control over their properties. One of the most critical ways these brokers cemented their hold on Goa’s land market was by directly approaching local Panchayat members, MLAs, and other government officials for permissions. This created a situation where Goan bureaucrats and politicians, many of whom were locals, became active participants in this exploitation for personal gain.

It is indeed accurate to say that we Goans have, in many ways, sold our land to brokers who came posing as developers. But the reality is more complex: we’ve not just sold our land—we’ve also sold our heritage, our culture, and our natural beauty…

Locals often hear that a “Delhikar” (outsider, particularly from North India) is buying land, but the true identity of buyers is rarely clear. Goa’s real estate market, once regulated and orderly, has transformed into a chaotic BAZAAR where transparency is a rarity. This growing sense of mystery and lack of clarity has fuelled mistrust within the Goan community, Many Goans feel increasingly cut off from the fast-paced land sales and developments that are changing their state.

The term “Delhikar” has evolved into a shorthand for the widespread concern that outsiders—particularly affluent individuals or corporations from North India—are acquiring vast tracts of land in Goa. While the buyers may not always be from Delhi, the term highlights a deeper worry about the state’s cultural and geographic identity being eroded as non-Goans settle in. The influx of these buyers is seen not just as a demographic shift, but as a cultural and economic one, raising fears about the future of Goa’s heritage and local ownership.

There was a time when every parcel of land in Goa was registered with the local Communidade or community based organisations, making sure that all land stayed within the hands of the indigenous Goan community. The Communidade system safeguarded communal ownership and prevented private control. However, after the Code of Communidades was translated, large portions of this communal land were sold off to private parties under the flawed concept of ‘quit rent.’ Paying rent for 20 years was wrongly used as justification for claiming ownership. This absurd misuse of power effectively stole land from the community, turning property that had belonged to Goans for generations into private holdings.

This practice was a clear misinterpretation of the Communidade laws, mocking the very foundation of the Gaunkari System, which was designed to protect communal land rights. The “quit rent” loophole allowed individuals to exploit the system, turning land into personal property simply by paying rent.

The State Government’s recent changes to the Code of Communidades are making Goa’s real estate market even more like a Bazaar. The new amendments allow people who have taken land on aframentos to sell it to private buyers, weakening the protections that once kept Goan land in local hands. Additionally, the amendment to Section 31-A of the Land Revenue Code, which claims to limit land use changes, is just a fake solution—it does little to stop the misuse of land.

In October 2024, we have entered Bazaar Version 2.0, where Goan lands are being sold off without any constitutional protection or authority. As a young advocate, I feel that we are not far from the day when Panjim will be referred to as Bandra of Mumbai and Assagao as Noida of Delhi. The rapid and uncontrolled changes in Goa’s real estate market are pushing the state towards a future where its unique identity and culture are replaced by urbanization driven by ‘Delhikar’ interests. Apparently, Delhi’s Bhuta (ghost) has more pull than the spirit of Goa itself! A live example of this is Bhutani Infra.

The Goa Government’s plan to wipe-off temples destroyed during the Portuguese era located on Comunidade lands, and to build a so called ‘Smarak’ temple, is nothing short of a blatant attack on our heritage. As a proud Zalmi Gaunkar of Morombi-O-Grande I disagree to such an initiative whereby as the rich cultural and religious legacy of Goa is sold for the benefit of a few land-grabbing families. Why Should We Gaunkars Allow Real Estate Mafias to Seize Our Ancestral Lands for Their Own Greed? During Portuguese rule, the temples were destroyed. The present Governments initiative is to wipe off the remains of temples only to benefit land grabbers instead of reviving the Hindu and Gavkari system.

Comunidade lands, held by us for centuries, are not for sale to the highest bidder. These lands are not just property—they are the heart of our heritage, from generations to generations. Now, the government, in cahoots with developers like Bhutani Infra, is pushing to turn them into mega real estate projects. Are we really going to sit back and let this happen?

By clearing sacred temples destroyed during the Portuguese era, the government is not only erasing our spiritual heritage but also dismantling the very identity of Goan Communities. These temples may have been physically destroyed, but our connection to them, our customs, and our traditions have lived on. Yet now, those same lands, meant for Zonkars/Gavkars benefit, are being sold off under the false pretence of ‘development’—which really means filling the pockets of a few influential families.

Why should our sacred lands, which our ancestors fought to preserve, be sacrificed for this shameless land-grabbing scheme? When I spoke to the 80-year-old Poojari of Mahadev Temple in Chimbel, he rightly said, “The structures may have been destroyed, but our religious customs are still alive.” This sentiment reflects the deep spiritual toughness of our people, but that too is now at risk under the Government’s latest moves.

The collapse of the Gaunkari system opened the floodgates for encroachments, and now that the prime properties are sold, the remaining sacred lands are next on the chopping block. The government’s plan—issuing a notification under the Archaeology Department to create one ‘Smarak’ temple—sounds like an effort to eradicate Hinduism in Goa, but let’s not get fooled. This is just a smokescreen to seize control of our lands, consolidate temples, and pave the way for more real estate projects. The Cabinet’s amendment to the Code of Comunidade, which allows the sale of Comunidade land granted for cultivation if 20 years of rent is paid at once, is a direct assault on our rights as Gaunkars. This is not development—this is theft.

What kind of governance is this? First, Chief Minister Dr. Pramod Sawant proudly announces plans to rebuild temples destroyed during the Portuguese era. In the same breath, the Cabinet approves the sale of Comunidade lands to those who will exploit them. And now, the CM himself is rubbing shoulders with real estate mafias at events, celebrating the destruction of our heritage for their financial gain.

Why should we Gaunkars allow our sacred land to be sold off for the benefit of a few wealthy families? These lands are our identity, our history, and our future.  “Are we—The Goans, The Gaunkars—going to sit idle while the government betrays us, or will we fiercely defend what is rightfully ours?

Advocate Kripa Gurudas Pilarnekar
(Zalmi Gaunkar Village Morombi-O-Grande, Merces, Tiswadi – Goa)